Introduction

The Tunisian revolution of 2011 was the result of decades of economic inequality and social injustice. The unequal distribution of wealth – combined with the neoliberal policies and austerity regimes enforced by international financial institutions – created an increasingly unstable situation and led to social unrest. The impoverishment of the peasantry and the working class, together with misguided agricultural reforms that increased the price of several foodstuffs and the marginalization of the country’s interior, were the main reasons for much of society’s dissatisfaction with the regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali.¹Radl, Sascha. “Structural Adjustment in Tunisia: The Crisis of Neoliberalism and the ‘Gafsa Riots’ of 2008”, In: Gisela Baumgratz, Khaled Chaabane, Werner Ruf and Wilfried Telkämper, The Impact of the European Union’s Neoliberal Agenda on the North African Countries, Peter Lang, 2017. ,²Gana, A. “The Rural and Agricultural Roots of the Tunisian Revolution: When Food Security Matters”, International Journal of Sociology of Agriculture and Food 19, no. 2 (2012) (Gana, “The Rural and Agricultural Roots”, 2012). Underlying this crisis was the regime’s farm policy, which favored large-scale agriculture over small-scale farming and engaged in land-grabbing practices. In fact, it was the frustration of Tunisia’s rural poor that sparked the uprisings, which first began in the regionally dominant farming governorate of Sidi Bouzid, progressing through rural governorates before finally breaking into cities and ultimately the capital. This trajectory highlights that while demands for political freedoms were a factor, social and economic issues, and in particular rural ones, lay at the source of the unrest.³Elloumi, M. Tunisie: agriculture le développement compromis, Editions Nirvana, 2018 (Elloumi, Tunisie, 2012).

In the post-revolution period, however, political and identity-based concerns have saturated discourse and policy, overshadowing the agricultural and rural dimensions that drove the initial rebellion. Neither government policy nor any political party platforms have addressed agricultural and rural issues comprehensively, as evidenced by the continued application of imported paradigms of agricultural development.⁴Elloumi, Tunisie, 2012. In contrast, civil society organizations (CSOs), progressive researchers, and unionists are increasingly recognizing the centrality of agriculture in the implementation of development policies; they are increasingly inclined toward the international movement around the rights of people in rural areas, as well as toward climate issues and green transition.

This report intervenes in this space by deepening the discussion around how food sovereignty could be realized in the Tunisian context. The study asks: How can Tunisia meet the interconnected challenges of climate change, globalization, and national governance to transform its agrifood system to a more sustainable and just system? It offers an original examination of Tunisian food systems and comprehensive analyses of existing governance and policy frameworks. It also broadly highlights the crucial contributions of unions, activists, and civil society, which have not been explored to date. This approach uncovers unique opportunities and challenges to implementing food sovereignty in Tunisia and highlights innovative areas for policy change that can contribute to a sustainable and inclusive agrifood system for Tunisia, particularly considering the escalating climate crisis.

Concepts and Methodology

Applied to the agrifood system, the concept of just transition refers to a shift to a more sustainable, equitable, participatory, and resilient food system. First conceptualized in reference to energy transitions in the context of the global climate crises, just transition in the context of food indicates the move to practices that contribute to lower greenhouse gas emissions, preserve natural resources and biodiversity, ensure apportionment of benefits among marginalized groups, and guarantee social equity and economic justice. Through a just transition lens, the agrifood system must embrace: sustainable forms of agriculture that minimize the environmental footprint of food production; a model of governance that guarantees participation through inclusive spaces and decision-making mechanisms; and the establishment of a sustainable and fair-trade exchange.

Transnational social movements like La Via Campesina (LVC) advocate for this kind of deep shift, demanding that food systems prioritize social, cultural, and political concerns – including power relations and democratic governance – over purely technical adjustments like high-yield agriculture reliant on GMOs, large-scale irrigation, advanced machinery, and chemical inputs. As defined by LVC, food sovereignty is a comprehensive framework that goes beyond simply producing food by involving social, cultural, political, economic, and ecological dimensions to reach a fundamental transformation of food systems that prioritize the rights and needs of people and communities over the interests of transnational corporations and markets. Food sovereignty, as articulated by LVC, is an appropriate analytical framework for understanding current struggles while proposing a new vision for the just transformation of food systems, particularly in the Arab region.

The findings of this report emerge from a mixed approach that combines: a thorough review of the primary and secondary literature on the agrifood system in Tunisia; an in-depth analysis of the governance system and agricultural policies; and qualitative data collected through formal and informal stakeholder interviews as well as roundtables. Seven formal interviews were conducted during April and May 2025, both online and in person, aiming to capture perspectives on Tunisian agricultural policies and their impacts, especially on small-scale farmers. The goal was to document different viewpoints, narratives, and interactions among key players, informing a more inclusive dialogue about creating a sustainable agrifood system.

To complement the interviews, the author, along with other researchers and staff of the Arab Reform Initiative, held two validation roundtable discussions. The first roundtable (“Farmer Group”) took place on 8 April 2025 in Kairouan, a critical agricultural region. This session specifically targeted small-scale farmers, local unions, mutual agricultural service societies (SMSAs), agricultural development groups (GDAs), local civil society actors, and local media. The second roundtable (“Civil Society Group”) was held on 18 April 2025 in Tunis, engaging national-level civil society, researchers, media, and unions. Approximately 20 people attended each round table. In both events, preliminary findings were shared, and critical discussions with a diverse group of stakeholders were facilitated. A snowball sampling technique was used to select participants, leveraging the author’s network to include diverse voices from civil society, academia, trade unions, government, and media. The observations, recommendations, and key themes from both roundtables and interviews are fully integrated into this report.