Introduction
In recent years, the Middle East and North Africa region has witnessed a significant rise in environmental activism. Among the many challenges that new environmental movements are addressing, waste mismanagement has emerged as a key concern. In Lebanon and Tunisia, the strong public mobilization around environmental issues at the local and national levels exemplifies the crucial role that waste issues play in the broader quest for environmental justice. In Lebanon, the 2015 "You Stink" movement marked a historic moment as the largest since the end of the country's civil war in 1990, uniting a diverse range of activists and citizens outraged about the environmental and health hazards caused by waste mismanagement. A key aspect of Lebanon’s waste crisis was the absence of an integrated waste management plan as well as of broader accountability, with impunity for those responsible for what activists labeled as "environmental crimes," including legal violations and widespread corruption within the political elite. Further, Lebanon’s crisis highlighted how a system rooted in sectarian quotas, nepotism, and clientelism predominantly serves the interests of sectarian leaders, through a shared narrative and common interests.
Following the 2011 revolution, Tunisia faced escalating waste management concerns that garnered extensive media attention and quickly became the subject of major debates in public opinion. The waste crises in Djerba and Sfax, where garbage flooded the cities and accumulated in random dumpsites, highlighted the government's failure to effectively manage the public service sector. This dire waste situation was key to jumpstarting environmental activism in the country. Action around waste mismanagement issues, with their far-reaching environmental, health, and social impacts, gained momentum and evolved into an organized environmental movement.
A common pattern in the waste crises of Lebanon and Tunisia has been the closure of landfills under the pressure of public protests. Examples include the Qalala landfill in Djerba, the El Gonna landfill in Sfax, and the Naameh landfill in Beirut, Lebanon. Initial demands for closure often occur because landfills have exceeded their operational lifespan and become environmental hazards for nearby residents, affecting their health and daily lives. Following these abrupt closures, the authorities struggle to find immediate alternative waste disposal solutions, while waste accumulates in the streets and at makeshift dumpsites in the city’s outskirts. Moreover, in response to these urgent crises, the authorities frequently reopen old sites – such as the old port landfill in Sfax and Talbat in Sedouikech, Djerba, among others – and present them as temporary measures, pending identification of alternative sites and long-term solutions.
This study delves into the evolution and impact of environmental activism in Tunisia, particularly since the political transformation in 2011. It focuses on how this activism, driven by waste management crises, influences environmental policies amid a decline in civil society mobilizations and a rising tide of authoritarianism in Tunisia. The research specifically examines campaigns that emerged in response to the environmental consequences of poor waste management. It explores the narratives used to frame the issue of injustice in waste management; the justifications, mobilization strategies, and forms of protest that emerged; and interactions between different environmental campaigns and their engagements with local and central stakeholders. The study also seeks to understand the institutional and political responses to these campaigns and to draw out key lessons and conclusions.
The study is organized into four sections. First, it presents an overview of Tunisia's waste management crisis, setting the stage for the subsequent analysis. The second section delves into specific case studies of environmental activism, examining the various narratives, justifications, mobilization strategies, and forms of protest used by activists, as well as how these groups interact with the authorities and each other. The third section shifts focus to the challenges these environmental campaigns face, providing an in-depth examination of the obstacles and hurdles in their path. The final section concludes with policy recommendations that aim to enhance the role of environmental activism in shaping public policies and calls for a proactive approach beyond mere protest and opposition to developments and crises.
Research Methodology
This study builds on a literature review of waste issues in Tunisia and the broader Arab region, with emphasis on the Lebanese case. Its primary data were gathered from 11 interviews conducted between February and April 2023 with environmental activists who have been instrumental in shaping this movement. Their identities have been kept confidential to avoid the risk of harassment or abuse. Field visits were made to the Borj Chakir landfill and the old port landfill in Sfax. Access to the El Gonna landfill was not possible due to the closure of the road leading to it. The methodology also included participant observation, whereby the author attended meetings as a near-permanent observer of the advisory committee on the Sfax waste crisis. This approach yielded extensive information on the technical, administrative, and legal facets of waste management in Tunisia.
The case studies feature the rise of protests against waste dumps, starting in Djerba, southeastern Tunisia. In 2012, citizens managed to close the Qalala landfill and, in 2014, thwarted efforts to reopen it. Yet the activism in Djerba did not escalate into an organized environmental movement, as would be seen later in Agareb and Tunis. The research focuses on the Sakker elMsab (Close Down the Dumpsite) campaign in Agareb and the Manish Msab (I Am Not a Dumpsite) campaign in Tunis, both of which evolved into a significant environmental movement. These campaigns, calling for the closure of major waste dumps like the Borj Chakir landfill in Tunis and the El Gonna landfill in Agareb, gained national attention. Despite official recognition of their overuse and overdue operation and promises for closure, these landfills continue to operate. They are situated in impoverished areas, where residents are typically less equipped to advocate for themselves.
The Sakker elMsab campaign targeted the Borj Chakir landfill, which opened in 1999 and is now the largest in Tunisia, covering over 120 hectares and receiving about 3,000 tons of waste daily from 38 municipalities across Tunisia including Tunis, Manouba, Ariana, and Ben Arous. The campaign, which gained prominence through media coverage, highlighted the environmental risks of continuously exploiting this site, which still holds the largest open waste piles in the country at a height of 30 meters. Conversely, the Manish Msab campaign successfully achieved the permanent closure of the El Gonna landfill in Agareb, a significant site receiving about 800 tons of waste daily from Sfax, Tunisia's second most populous state. The Manish Msab campaign cannot be analyzed in isolation, but in the context of other movements like the Rajje el Msab (Return the Landfill) campaign, which sought to reopen the El Gonna landfill, and the #Yazi (Enough) and #Sfax_Action campaigns against waste accumulation in the streets of Sfax.
Waste as a Focal Point for Environmentalism in Tunisia
Waste management has been a central environmental concern in Tunisia since the early days of the revolution. While the waste problem in Tunisia predates the revolution, the revolution has intensified it. The period of political transition between 2012 and 2014 saw an exacerbation of waste-related issues due to political instability and the state's struggle to address community opposition to nearby landfills. Such local resistance to changes in the immediate environment is often termed “NIMBY” (Not In My Back Yard). The state's response to these challenges has been inconsistent, frequently abandoning proposed solutions due to either civil pressure or their high cost and low priority amidst Tunisia's challenging economic climate. Understanding Tunisia's current crisis, including waste mismanagement, its stalled reforms, and the lack of clear solutions requires a brief exploration of the political and institutional framework governing waste services.
Since the 1990s, Tunisia has strategically prioritized waste management. The National Solid Waste Management Program, launched in 1993, aimed to establish units for treating household and municipal waste, along with facilities to process industrial and hazardous waste. This program led to a series of regulations, laws, decrees, and orders to enhance waste management, including the 1996 Law 41 on waste management and disposal, and the 1997 Decree 1102, which set conditions and procedures for the recovery and management of used containers. This legal framework largely focused on creating gas-monitored landfills and transfer centers while closing and rehabilitating unmonitored dumps.
In 2008, 10 monitored landfills were established with an estimated operational life of five to 10 years. However, 15 years on, without viable alternatives, these landfills continue to operate, becoming environmental disasters for nearby residential areas. This situation has led to numerous crises, including citizens forcibly closing these landfills, highlighting the state’s acute challenges in providing effective waste management solutions.
Comparative Study of the Manish Msab (2018) and Sakker elMsab (2019) Campaigns
Environmental movements in Tunisia emerged in response to the severe waste management crisis, fueled by repeated emergencies, the lack of immediate and effective solutions, and diminished public trust in the state, which is seen as a key player in the mismanagement and lack of transparency. Protests against waste mismanagement originated in areas adjacent to landfills, where communities were directly impacted by the environmental, health, economic, and social consequences of these sites. Local opposition often began with civil society activists knowledgeable about environmental rights, advocating against environmental injustice. Studies have shown that waste is typically shifted from its producers to less affluent, marginalized regions, with the state opting for this cost-effective but inequitable solution due to the absence of efficient waste treatment methods.
Within this context, the Manish Msab and Sakker elMsab campaigns emerged, demanding the closure of the El Gonna landfill in Agareb and the Borj Chakir landfill in Tunis, respectively. Despite their similarities, these campaigns had distinct origins and characteristics. The Manish Msab campaign started in the summer of 2018, catalyzed by a mural that highlighted Agareb's environmental degradation, particularly from the El Gonna landfill which was established in 2008 and, according to activists, has been overdue for closure since 2013. The mural galvanized a group of cultured youth who coined the Manish Msab name, inspired by the national anti-corruption Manich Mssemah (I Do Not Forgive) campaign. Conversely, the Sakker elMsab campaign was sparked by a significant fire at the Borj Chakir landfill on 5 June 2019. The scale and persistence of the fire, coupled with media coverage, united activists and motivated them to initiate a structured campaign involving local youths and members of the Sidi Hassine municipal council. The magnitude and media attention surrounding the fire expanded the campaign's scope and impact.
Different Techniques to Compete
The Manish Msab and Sakker elMsab campaigns both leveraged a health-centric discourse, underscoring the dumpsites as significant health hazards rather than mere sources of unpleasant odors and insects. Their focus was on the direct correlation between the dumpsites and the prevalence of serious health issues like asthma, cancer, and allergies in nearby communities.
A pivotal moment for the Manish Msab campaign was the tragic death of Amal, a young woman from Agareb, reportedly due to a poisonous insect bite from the dumpsite. This incident occurred shortly after the campaign's inception and significantly intensified its impact, serving as a powerful example to educate local residents and the broader public about the severe health consequences of pollution from the El Gonna dumpsite. Similarly, activists from the Sakker elMsab Campaign used a health-focused narrative, emphasizing the aggravated health issues resulting from the landfill fire, such as suffocation, asthma, coughing, and irritation in the eyes, nose, and throat. This approach effectively linked various diseases in these areas directly to the health impacts of the waste dumpsite and the ensuing environmental pollution (air, water, soil), reinforcing the urgency and gravity of the situation.
“An environmental awareness has begun to form among people... All the diseases that are spreading in Agareb have been linked to the dumpsite... Asthma, allergies, cancer…”
In addition to leveraging health concerns to draw media and public sympathy towards the plight of residents living near the dumpsites, the Manish Msab and Sakker elMsab campaigns also employed statistics, hard facts, and figures in a strategic move to underscore the urgency of the waste management crisis. These data points effectively demonstrated that the landfills had reached a state of saturation, unable to accommodate more waste.
Furthermore, the two campaigns tapped into the cultural and historical context of Tunisia by using powerful slogans. They specifically chose the slogan “The people want,” echoing the iconic chant of the Tunisian Revolution, “The people want to overthrow the regime,” to align their demand for closing the landfill with the broader revolutionary ethos and historical movements in Tunisia.
Environmental justice was also a central theme in both campaigns. Activists highlighted the disproportionate environmental burden shouldered by Agareb and Sidi Hassine, as cities that bore the brunt of waste from the largest Tunisian cities and their major landfills for extended periods, well beyond reasonable limits. The campaigns stressed that the residents of these cities had suffered for decades from environmental, health, economic, and social consequences due to the proximity of these dumpsites. This narrative framed their demand for redistributing this burden as a matter of fairness and equity.
"Children in my area have the right to dream of a healthy environment with green spaces, and not live in the largest garbage dumpsite in the republic.”
Protest and Mobilization Mechanisms
Activists used a variety of mechanisms in protesting and mobilizing around the environmental crises in Tunisia. One hallmark of the Manish Msab campaign in Agareb was its strong emphasis on artistic expression through the use of drawing and theater workshops to communicate the severe pollution problems in Agareb and the specific dangers posed by the El Gonna landfill. The goal of this artistic approach was to spark what activists termed an "environmental revolution," aiming to end the "environmental crimes" and "environmental terrorism" impacting the city.
“We used art not in its sense as an artistic expression, but in its sense of creating events... art is capable of changing people’s thoughts... and we chose for it to be simple and its symbolism clear.”
Activists employed street theater and flash mobs strategically to garner media attention to the situation in Agareb, a tactic that was integral to the campaign's design. The campaign adeptly utilized various forms of media, including visual, audio, and written channels, to amplify its message. A significant contribution came from Four Truths, Tunisia's popular investigative program, which played a pivotal role in swaying public opinion and holding the authorities accountable. The program not only dedicated multiple episodes to discussing the Agareb landfill crisis; it also aired shocking footage from the site, evidencing the disposal of hazardous and banned hospital waste. In addition to these efforts, activists founded a Facebook page named after the campaign, Manish Msab, and used the hashtag #Agareb_Mahesh_Msab (Agareb is Not a Dumpsite). This page became a central hub for communication, exchange of ideas among campaign participants, and a platform for spreading awareness and rallying support for their cause.
Immediately after initiating their campaign, the activists employed litigation, filing a complaint through a protest petition against various entities responsible for Agareb's environmental woes. These included the Ministry of Environment, SEGOR (a private company), the National Agency for Waste Management (ANGed), and the National Sanitation Office (ONAS). This legal action ultimately led to a court decision in 2019 in favor of the campaign, ordering the immediate closure of the landfill.
The Sakker elMsab campaign's primary focus was on heightening public awareness about the dangers posed by the dumpsite. The campaign’s effort began on its Facebook page with the slogan #Sakker_el Msab (close down the dumpsite), and then went to the streets through multiple outreach events organized for local residents. The campaign also diligently held seminars featuring environmental experts who provided a thorough scientific evaluation and overview of the situation at the Borj Chakir landfill, particularly its environmental and health effects on nearby residential areas. The involvement of experts in the campaign significantly bolstered its legitimacy in calling for the closure of the Borj Chakir landfill. According to the activists, the experts provided critical insights, confirming that it was not feasible to repurpose or derive value from the waste at the landfill through recycling or energy generation.
The campaign gained further momentum through extensive media coverage, especially following a disastrous fire at the site. Media attention, combined with the activists' persistent efforts on social media and various other platforms, began to yield promises of closure. A notable achievement of the campaign was securing acknowledgment of the existing environmental crisis in Sidi Hassine, which they considered a success. During this period, the activists engaged in direct discussions with local officials, deliberating on the future of the Borj Chakir landfill. They discussed the feasibility of closing the landfill as well as proposed timelines for such a measure, given that officials ruled out an immediate closure of the site due to its potentially catastrophic impact on Greater Tunis.
“This is known to us... The solution cannot be immediate in Borj Chakir... Immediate closure will lead to Greater Tunis being flooded with waste.”
Similar to the Manish Msab campaign, Sakker elMsab also took the judicial path. However, it did not succeed in obtaining a court ruling for the closure of the landfill.
Building Alliances and Engaging with Other Campaigns: Between Conflict and Complementarity
The activists interviewed for this study emphasized the positive interaction and daily communication between the Manish Msab and Sakker elMsab campaigns, although this interaction did not extend to planning joint actions.
“We were closely following what was happening in Agareb and had direct contact with the Manish Msab campaign almost daily... We were encouraging each other at least... However, the circumstances did not allow for joint action.”
The relationship between the two movements was primarily supportive. “They supported us, and we supported them.” Despite the confrontational nature portrayed between the Manish Msab campaign in Agareb and the #Yazi and #Sfax_Action campaign in Sfax, activists from both groups confirmed a friendly and supportive relationship, free of conflict.
“Environmental activists cannot work against each other...but there was an interest in trying to create a rift or clash between Manish Msab and Yazi...”
However, there was notable tension between Manish Msab and a broad spectrum of civil society activists in Sfax. These activists blamed Manish Msab for the worsening environmental conditions in the city, arguing that their unilateral closure of the controlled landfill led to the city being overwhelmed with waste. Interestingly, efforts to network among various environmental movements across Tunisia have been observed. An activist from Sakker elMsab mentioned that their campaign attempted to participate in a nationwide environmental movement, aiming to coordinate efforts among different environmental activists. This effort materialized in an environmental camp held in Gabes, which brought together multiple movements (Manish Msab, Sakker el Msab, Stop_Pollution, etc).
Engage with decision-makers
The strategic implications of waste mismanagement and its potential environmental and health consequences prompted state authorities, both local and central, to engage in dialogue and consultation with activists from both Manish Msab and Sakker elMsab campaigns. This led to the establishment of a collaborative platform for discussing the landfill crisis. Meetings and interviews were organized between the founding members of these movements and various stakeholders, including municipal council members, officials from the National Waste Management Agency, the National Environmental Protection Agency (ANPE), and the Ministry of the Environment, among others. These discussions aimed to consider civil society's viewpoints and work towards mutually agreeable solutions.
Notably, the local authorities, particularly the municipal council, showed the greatest openness to the demands of the activists, especially those from the Sakker elMsab campaign. This receptiveness was partly due to the involvement of several young members of the campaign as elected representatives in the Sidi Hassine municipal council. Their election campaigns focused heavily on the urgent need to close the landfill, citing issues like its inability to accommodate more waste (having exceeded its intended lifespan since 2010), unpleasant odors, and associated health risks. Additionally, the campaign succeeded in garnering support from some members of Tunisia’s legislature, the Assembly of the People's Representatives, at the time.
Initially, both campaigns managed to secure commitments from authorities to permanently shut down the landfills based on a mutually agreed timeline. The agreement included closing the El Gonna landfill by the end of 2021 and resolving the waste accumulation crisis in Sfax by the summer of 2020, following the activists' demands for the enforcement of a 2019 court ruling that ordered the immediate closure of the landfill. Additionally, Sakker elMsab campaign received a decision from the Minister of Environment in 2020, which set a two-year deadline for closing the Borj Chakir landfill. However, activists reported delays and stalling by the authorities, leading to initial skepticism and eventually a complete loss of trust in their promises. It seemed that government authorities initially made these promises to quell civil society's discontent, only to later retract them, particularly due to challenges in persuading other regions to accept waste, whether it was for temporary landfills, treatment or valorization facilities, or other infrastructures.
In Sfax, the slogan “Manish Msab” was universally adopted by communities designated to replace the El Gonna landfill. These communities categorically refused to accept waste from other areas. Two key proposals were turned down. The first involved setting up a regional waste processing unit in Zarrouk, a village 20km from Al-Maharas, which faced strong opposition due to its location in a touristic coastal area. The second proposal was for a temporary regulated dumpsite on state land in Limaya, an agricultural area 62km from Sfax. This proposal was also rapidly withdrawn by the state, which one official attributed to the delicate political climate and a reluctance to use force.
As for the Sakker elMsab campaign, the situation took a turn contrary to initial promises. Faced with Borj Chakir landfill’s capacity limits and the state’s failure to provide an alternative, the decision was made to expand the landfill by 40 hectares, effectively extending its lifespan by at least 20 years. This pivot forced the campaign to refocus its efforts on challenging the expansion decision.
Activists observed that the authorities' strategy of delaying and reneging on promises was coupled with a campaign of misinformation to discredit their efforts. The Sakker elMsab campaigners were accused of corruption and pursuing political agendas, resulting in resignations from the Sidi Hassine municipal council. Similarly, the Manish Msab activists believed that garbage was deliberately left uncollected in Sfax for weeks, intending to thwart the landfill’s closure, tarnish the movement's image, and turn public opinion against it. Some political parties also attempted to co-opt the activists, hoping to use the situation to embarrass the parties in power.
Legal challenges further complicated the situation. Several Manish Msab activists faced trial for allegedly disrupting operations, following a complaint by ECOTI, the company operating the El Gonna landfill. On 8 June 2023, several activists were sentenced to prison terms ranging from eight months to two years. In contrast, a counter-campaign launched by ECOTI’s workers under “Rajje’ Msab” (Return the Landfill) failed to gain traction.
Sakker elMsab activists found themselves in direct confrontation with the “barbecha” (sanitation workers) who work in the dumpsite. “The barbecha were mobilized against the campaign, and led to believe that we were working against their interests and seeking to threaten their livelihoods.”
Tensions between activists and the barbecha escalated during a protest by the campaign on the road to the landfill, demanding its closure as per the schedule. The protest turned violent, with barbecha assaulting activists. The situation deteriorated to the point where approaching or photographing the dumpsite became almost impossible.
Campaign members also reported receiving numerous threats, attributed to the landfill “mafia” or “barons” who profited from the dumpsite and controlled the barbecha. Despite attempts to engage in direct dialogue with the barbecha and reassure them that the campaign aimed to integrate them into a better waste management system, such as employment in sorting and recycling centers, these efforts failed. According to activists, it was very difficult to find a formula to reach an agreement with the barbecha.
“The dialogue with barbecha was very difficult, due to the blind stance taken by them against the Sakker elMsab campaign.”
Evolution of Forms of Mobilization
As authorities shifted their stance, denying prior commitments and seeking ways to evade them, the movement's strategies evolved, particularly in the case of Manish Msab. The Ministry of Interior's forceful attempt to reopen the El Gonna landfill resulted in violent clashes between local residents and the police. This tension escalated to a point where unions in Agareb called for a general strike, and the army was deployed following incidents of looting and arson at a National Guard center. Ultimately, these events prevented the reopening of the landfill. The changing situation influenced the Sakker elMsab campaign, where there were calls for escalating actions beyond peaceful protests, especially in the wake of the Agareb incidents. Nonetheless, the campaign maintained its commitment to non-violence, a decision which indirectly led to the diminishing impact of the Sakker Msab campaign, according to an activist.
“Not a single garbage truck was blocked... It was not easy.”
In a bid to reassert their influence, the campaign re-entered into what was described by one activist as a “deep and serious" dialogue with the Ministry of Environment and the municipality. Yet, the insistence by some parties on the necessity of expanding the Borj Chakir landfill, as a matter of public interest, forced the campaign to shift focus: Rather than calling for the closure of the landfill, its objective became to oppose its expansion.
“At least, if the old landfill is not closed, we will not allow the [expansion] to be launched, as it would extend the life of the landfill.”
Today, environmental activists face significant challenges in articulating and advancing their demands. These have been compounded by the introduction of the government’s Decree-Law No. 54 which significantly restricts protest and movement, further complicating the efforts of activists in their environmental campaigns.
“The pressure to achieve the demands was much easier compared to the present time... The Borj Chakir landfill is now considered a national security issue, and there is a threat that the army will be deployed if an attempt is made to disrupt its work.”
Lessons Learned
Environmental activism in Tunisia has successfully exposed the inadequacies of the country's waste management policies. It has also initiated serious discussions about the need for change, which would include finding more equitable waste disposal methods that distribute environmental burdens fairly, without sacrificing certain areas over others. Despite their achievements, the movements recognize their limitations, namely their lack of expertise in policy and legal matters involving environmental rights. They also faced financial constraints that hindered their ability to pursue long-term strategies like judicial action and are not fully equipped with the strategies to effectively meet their demands,
Tunisia’s environmental movements increasingly see traditional methods of protest and advocacy as ineffective, which creates a state of stagnation and apathy among activists. Their state is exacerbated by Tunisia's broader economic challenges, including monopolies on basic necessities like milk, sugar, coffee, and flour, which divert attention from environmental issues.
The Manish Msab and Sakker elMsab campaigns, while sharing some similarities, diverged significantly in their approaches and outcomes. Manish Msab successfully closed the El Gonna landfill permanently, largely due to its innovative methods, which included artistic expression (caricatures, murals, street theater, and flash mob protests) alongside a strong social media presence. This campaign also gained significant media attention after the broadcast of episodes of the investigative show “Four Truths,” which showcased alarming images from inside the El Gonna dumpsite. The campaign's narrative, highlighted by the story of a girl’s death linked to the landfill, garnered widespread public sympathy.
In contrast, the Sakker elMsab campaign, despite its reliance on experts, scientific studies, and social media, did not generate sufficient media momentum to effectively mobilize public opinion. The lack of a legal framework to support its objectives, as demonstrated by Manish Msab's judicial victory in closing the El Gonna landfill, marked a significant difference between the two campaigns. Additionally, the separate operations of these campaigns, particularly in light of the violent events in Agareb, negatively impacted their overall effectiveness. The Sakker elMsab campaign, in particular, suffered greatly from these events, leading to its eventual stagnation and decline.
The lessons learned here are:
- First: Environmental movements must evolve their methods and strategies to ensure longevity and increased effectiveness in mobilization and advocacy. This includes fostering solidarity and integration among various environmental groups, regardless of their specific focus, be it waste management or another environmental concern. A united front can present a more formidable force in driving environmental change.
- Second: It is crucial for environmental movements to forge strategic alliances with diverse stakeholders. This collaboration can significantly influence public policies by enabling participation in comprehensive and meaningful dialogues about environmental policies, including waste management. Engaging all relevant parties in these discussions can lead to more inclusive and effective solutions.
- Third: For any coalition to be influential and capable of enacting change, it must include representatives from within decision-making bodies. The advisory committee formed to address the waste crisis in Sfax is a case in point. It adopted a participatory approach involving numerous parties to harmonize different viewpoints and resolve the crisis. This approach could have yielded positive outcomes and set a precedent for future initiatives. However, the crisis situation undermined its success, underscoring that participatory approaches should not be applied selectively or temporarily.
- Fourth: Any proposed reforms, especially those concerning sectors like the barbecha, must adhere to the principle of a just transition and acknowledge that the restructuring of sectors (such as waste management) may adversely affect those who rely on these sectors for their livelihood and often are already facing economic and social marginalization. Therefore, reforms need to be designed and implemented in a way that considers and mitigates these impacts, ensuring that the transition is fair and inclusive for all affected parties.
Knowledge Production and Mobilization
A main lesson learned from the environmental campaigns of Manish Msab and Sakker elMsab in Tunisia is the key role of knowledge production in environmental activism, albeit in different forms.
In the Manish Msab campaign, art was the primary vehicle for knowledge production. The campaign creatively employed artistic paintings and street theater performances to bring to life the environmental issues in Agareb. This artistic approach was effective in drawing public attention and mobilizing support by vividly illustrating the seriousness and potential consequences of environmental neglect.
In contrast, the Sakker elMsab campaign leaned towards a scientific approach. It focused on using experts to highlight the environmental and health repercussions of the Borj Chakir dumpsite in a scientifically grounded manner, which added greater legitimacy to its main demand for the closure of the dumpsite.
The ability of civil society activists to produce knowledge, even outside the traditional academic framework, plays a crucial role in raising awareness and understanding of environmental issues. Their methods, though different from conventional academic research, are significant in highlighting and addressing these issues. Academic studies, particularly in the social sciences, also contribute to supporting civil society in building effective strategies. The studies cited helped emphasize the importance of a participatory approach in developing public policies. This approach is based on the involvement of multiple parties in decision-making and understanding the situation more in-depth and in a complementary way, thereby giving greater legitimacy to the decisions taken.
Activists generally respond very positively to academic research. Their cooperation in conducting interviews and providing data signifies their trust in the relevance and integrity of academic studies. This cooperation is essential and reflects the need to go beyond treating activists as mere subjects of research. An optimal formula for this cooperation is necessary to ensure that academic publications do not become biased towards one party or become a mere mouthpiece for environmental activities. This balance is crucial so that the research takes into account the political and economic realities of the country and the pressures facing the authorities and decision-makers.
In essence, the integration of art, science, and academic research in environmental activism, as exemplified by these Tunisian campaigns, showcases a multi-faceted approach to knowledge production. This approach not only fosters awareness and mobilization but also ensures a more comprehensive understanding of environmental issues, enhancing the effectiveness of environmental campaigns.
The views represented in this paper are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Arab Reform Initiative, its staff, or its board.
